This essay seeks to highlight the bad side of power politics drawing examples from two major political parties namely the Zimbabwe African National Union for Patriotic Front (ZANU PF) and the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC). The period covered has been characterised by tense political and economic situations. The article will also delve into the implications of power politics towards the welfare of the generality of Zimbabweans.

The old adage which says, “When elephants fight, it is the grass that suffers”, rang true for the period from 2008-2018. There will also be a discussion on the consequences of the controversial elections in Zimbabwe as well as comparing the holding of elections during the two epochs, during the Robert Mugabe and Emmerson Munangagwa era.

The need for Zimbabwe, after former president Mugabe’s rule, to alienate itself from power politics and went a step further even to imitate Mugabe and Morgan Tsvangirai and Arthur Mutambara’s initiative for a power sharing deal which managed to provide relief to Zimbabweans is also going to be discussed. The significance and stumbling blocks towards a union of convenience between Emmerson Munangagwa and Nelson Chamisa are also going to be unveiled.

The political turmoil of the controversial 2018 elections and economic crisis taking a centre stage in the day to day basis will also be explored. The economic crisis manifested itself through petrol queues, cash crisis, price hikes and inflation. The retrogressive nature of power politics towards the prolonged suffering of the Zimbabwean populace will be discussed.

A Prelude to Power Sharing Deal

In 2008, elections were held in Zimbabwe with two main warring political parties at loggerheads, the MDC-T (Movement for Democratic Change – Tsvangirai), led by Morgan Tsvangirai and the ZANU PF led by Robert Mugabe. The political and economic crisis that bedevilled Zimbabwe during 2008 gave impetus for ZANU PF, MDC-T and MDC-M (Movement of Democratic Change – Mutambara), to engage in an endeavour to ease people’s lives.

Professor and author, Brian Raftopolous (2013) notes that the economy was in a worst condition because of the post-colonial era with hyper-inflation, unemployment, failure of state services, massive human displacements serving as major indicators of these crises. Raftopolous and Mlambo, (Alias Mlambo, a professor of history in Zimbabwe), noted that hyperinflation reached an official level of 230 million percent by the end of 2008, devaluing both earnings and savings. Mutambara (2018) notes that under Mugabe’s rule, inflation has soared and basic commodities have disappeared from the market. Edwin Tsvangirai, cited in Newsday May 6 2019, pleaded with the two political protagonists to talk in the interest of the nation. He said, to save the country from further collapse, opposition leaders must draw lessons from Tsvangirai, who between 2009 and 2013 worked hand in glove with his rival, Mugabe, in a coalition government.

Setting aside power politics and dialogue in the interest of the generality of people proved to be the remedy towards resolving the crisis in Zimbabwe. According to Paulo Freire, a Brazilian educator whose pedagogical theory influenced educational and social movements, the object of dialogical action is to make it possible for the oppressed by perceiving their adhesion, to opt to transform an unjust reality. The extreme nature of the growing political, economic and humanitarian crisis in Zimbabwe in 2008, exacerbated by the contested June 2008 presidential elections, added new urgency to the mediation discussions and on 21 July a Memorandum of Understanding was signed by three parties (Raftopolous 2013).

Alexander Jocelyn, a professor of commonwealth studies, states that despite winning the 2008 elections, the MDC agreed to a power sharing deal in which they were in practice, subordinate partners. Eldred Masunungure, a political scientist, notes that between March and June 2008, Tsvangirai’s party had its electoral support base broken by all-night indoctrination vigils, intimidation, public beatings and displacement. On Tuesday 20 March 2007, Zambia’s Levy Mwanawasa likened Zimbabwe to a sinking titanic whose passengers are jumping out in a bid to save their lives. The Global Political Agreement (GPA) in 2009 proved to be a short-term panacea for the country’s economic woes and political crisis.

Tell us: Do you agree with the argument of the writer, about the state of the political affairs in Zimbabwe?